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We return on Municipal Bookchin Thesis Thesis



Thesis V
Certainly one can get to play, and lost in
terms such as "municipalities" and "community", "assemblies"
and "direct democracy", keeping track of classes, ethnicities, and different genres that make
words such as "the Village
" into something meaningless, almost obscurantist abstractions. The sectors
assemblies of 1793 not only forced into conflict with the bourgeois
Paris Commune or the National Convention,,, but
became a battleground between themselves between owners and strata
non-owners, between royalists and democrats,
between moderates and radicals.
If we stop this economic level, it would be just as wrong to ignore
class differences completely and
speak only of "brotherhood", "freedom" and "equality" as if these words were
more than rhetoric. However, it has been written
enough to demystify the slogans of the great revolutions "bourgeois";
indeed has done so much in this regard to reduce these
slogans mere reflections of bourgeois self-interest that we run the risk
track of any populist utopian dimension
they had with them. After everything was said
on economic conflicts that divided the revolutions
English, American and French, the stories of these dramas
future should better serve to reveal panic
bourgeois revolution any of 19, his innate conservatism, and the proclivity to commit
have to favor the status quo.
would also be very useful if the history taught how revolutionary strata of every age
pushed the revolutionary 'bourgeois'
far beyond the confines of their established conservative, taking them to interesting situations
development
democratic principles in which the bourgeoisie never felt too comfortable.
The different "rights" made by these revolutions were achieved
by the bourgeoisie, but in spite of them, and the free farmers
Americans of the decade of 1770 and
sans culottes (shirtless) in the early 1790-and also its future is becoming increasingly questionable
in this world
corporate cyber growing.
Sin, however, these current and future trends
charac technological, social and cultural character
agitated and threatened to break the traditional class structure
born in the Industrial Revolution brought us the possibility of the emergence of a general interest
different class interests, created during the last two centuries. The
word 'people' can re-enter the vocabulary
radical obscurantist not as an abstraction but as an expression whose meaning comes
associated with a social layer
desraización progressive, fluent, and technological displacement, so it is no longer integrated into a
Cybernetics and highly mechanized society. A social layer
this technological shift we can add the
young and the elderly, who are faced with a future rather doubtful in 20
a world that can no longer define the roles that people play
in the economy and culture . These strata do not add up properly
in a simplistic division of conflicts
class, as take radical theory
structured around the "employees" and "capital."
The concept of "people" can return to our time in a sense still
different: As a "general interest" is formed from
public interest regarding environmental issues, community
, moral, gender, or cultural. It would also be very awkward
the underestimated role of these interests 'ideological'
seemingly marginal. As I said Franz Bokenau
for nearly fifty years, the history of the last century shows us more than
clearly how the proletariat can fall in love more intensely
nationalism socialism, and be guided mainly by interest
"patriotic" than interest, class, as
could appreciate anyone who visited the United States. Apart from the historical influence
have
ideological movements such as Christianity or Islam, which show the power still
ideology has on material interests
we face the problem of focusing the power of ideology in a
socially progressive direction, principally the ideologies
environmentalists, feminists, ethnic, moral and counterculture, in which many components are anarchist, pacifist and utopian
are waiting to be integrated into a joint, coherent vision.

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IV

Thus, the municipality is not only the "ptace"
where one lives, the "inversion" of owning a home, health, health, safety
services, a job, library and cultural amenities. The ciudadanización
way, historically, a new transition of humanity
from tribal forms to civilian life forms, which has a character so revolutionary
as the transition from hunter
groups towards the cultivation of the land or crop land to
manufacturing industry. Despite the absorbent powers of the State, there was a later development
which combined with civic nationalism, and statism
policy, as I said V. Gordon Childe, the
"urban revolution" was a big change as the agricultural revolution or industrial revolution
. You can check that the naciónestado,
like its predecessors, has been in the bowels much of this past
mentioned above, and have not yet digested. Urbanization can
complete what the Roman Caesars, absolute monarchies and republics
-destroying bourgeois could not even
own heritage of urban revolution, "however this has not yet taken place
.
Before entering the revolutionary implications of the approaches to the town
libertarian and libertarian
return policy is necessary to study a theoretical problem: the realization of differentiated policy
simple administration. At this point,
Marx, in his 13 analysis of the Paris Commune of 1871 has built a radical social theory
considerable imperfections. The existing combination
Commune, company policy, with
police action by managers themselves, a fact widely held
Marx, was the biggest failure of this revolution. Rousseau,
quite rightly argued that popular power can not delegate
without being destroyed. Or have a popular assembly which possesses all the powers
or proudly display these powers of the state. The problem
delegated power infected the entire system of advice: the soviets
(Raten), the Commune of 1871, and of course the Republicans in general
systems, both national and municipal
, the words "representative democracy" are a contradiction
terminóiogica. A people can not become polissonomos,
nomos by the designation of legislation creating or delegating nomothesia
bodies excluding the debate, reasoning and decision
form that characterizes the true identity of the political
. No less important is the non-delivery management
mere implementation of policy-making power which must be administered
without going into the regular business of the state.
The supremacy of the assembly, as
political power over any administrative agency, is the only guarantee
within individual existence, that policy prevails the
statism. The perfect degree of supremacy has
crucial importance in a society that includes experts and specialists to
the operations of the social machinery, while the
problem of maintaining the dominance of the popular assembly
only occurs during the period transition from a centralized administrative
society towards a decentralized
. Only when the popular assemblies, both
in the neighborhoods of the cities and small towns, the largest and
maintain utmost vigilance on any confederal coordination
agency, you can develop a true democracy libertarian.
Structurally, this embodiment
could not overcome the problem.
communities have relied on experts and administrators
long without losing their freedom.
destruction of these communities has been mostly due to a statist act, not an administrative
. Priestly corporations and headquarters
have always supported the ideology, and human stupidity
even more clearly, and not have to rely on force,
to alleviate the people's power, and finally eliminate it.
The State has not been able to absorb ever, in its entirety,
what happened in the past, this is a fact described by Kropotkin, in
"mutual support", he describes the rich context at
civil life to the oligarchic medieval communes. Indeed, the city
has always been the end of the spectrum compared with national and imperial
States until the present time.
Augustus and his heirs made the suppression of municipal autonomy
a masterpiece of Roman imperial administration
, and just did the absolute monarchs of the time of the Reformation.
"tear down the walls of the cities" was the central policy
of Louis XIII and Richelieu, a policy that surfaced years later, when
Public Health Committee of Robespierre made and unmade at will
to restrict the powers of the Commune 1793-94. The
"Urban Revolution" has accompanied the state as a double
irrepressible power, a potential challenge to centralized power through history. This
tension continues today, as an example, conflicts between
the centralized state and municipalities throughout North America and
England. It is here in the immediate environment of the individual, "the
community, neighborhood, town, village, where private life is slowly ligand
public life, is the authentic place for there operation
base level, if
urbanization has not totally destroyed the possibilities for this. When
urbanization has masked the city so that it completely lacks
own identity, culture and lacks the space for social
when missing
the foundation for democracy, "no matter what words the
define-then be gone the identity of the city, and the possibility of creating revolutionary forms
are only shadows of a set of abstractions
.
For the same reason, any analogy based on formulas
radical freedom and its possibilities, have no sense when
radical awareness that will give these forms, content and meaning.
Let us notice that any democratic or libertarian form can be transformed
against the ideal of freedom if you conceive of a
schematically abstract purposes devoid of the substance
ideological, and that organicity from which these forms
draw that meaning liberating. It would also be quite naive to think
forms such as the neighborhood, the people and community
popular assemblies could reach the level of public life, libertarian
, or come to create a libertarian political body, not a political movement that was
highly aware, that was well organized and coherent
out programmatically.
would be equally naive to think that such
libertarian movement could be born without the 'intelligentsia' radical essential
whose medium is in the intensely vibrant community life (you have to remember to
this regard to the intelligentsia French Enlightenment and
tradition established in the quartiers (neighborhoods) and cafés of Paris, I do not mean intellectual
anemic conglomerate that dominate the academies and institutes
of Western society. [2] Unless
anarchists decided to develop this lower stratum of thinkers
splendor whose public life becomes a search of communication with their social environment
in otherwise will encounter the real
danger of turning ideas into dogmas, and become heirs
own right and people movements ancestral
that belong to another historical era.
Despite the advantages and failures, has been radically
this intelligence that has served as a prop for each project
revolutionary history, and indeed it was they who literally projected
ideas for change, and from the
which people designed their social characteristics. Pericles is an example of this intelligence
during the classical world, John Bail or
Thomas Munzer during medieval times and the Reformation, and Denis Diderot
during the Enlightenment, Emile Zola and Jean Paul Sartre in times more recent
. The intellectuals of academia are much more recent phenomenon: embibliotecadas
creatures, cloistered, its incestuous and
career-oriented, lacking of experiences and practice.