Thesis V
Certainly one can get to play, and lost in
terms such as "municipalities" and "community", "assemblies"
and "direct democracy", keeping track of classes, ethnicities, and different genres that make
words such as "the Village
" into something meaningless, almost obscurantist abstractions. The sectors
assemblies of 1793 not only forced into conflict with the bourgeois
Paris Commune or the National Convention,,, but
became a battleground between themselves between owners and strata
non-owners, between royalists and democrats,
between moderates and radicals.
If we stop this economic level, it would be just as wrong to ignore
class differences completely and
speak only of "brotherhood", "freedom" and "equality" as if these words were
more than rhetoric. However, it has been written
enough to demystify the slogans of the great revolutions "bourgeois";
indeed has done so much in this regard to reduce these
slogans mere reflections of bourgeois self-interest that we run the risk
track of any populist utopian dimension
they had with them. After everything was said
on economic conflicts that divided the revolutions
English, American and French, the stories of these dramas
future should better serve to reveal panic
bourgeois revolution any of 19, his innate conservatism, and the proclivity to commit
have to favor the status quo.
would also be very useful if the history taught how revolutionary strata of every age
pushed the revolutionary 'bourgeois'
far beyond the confines of their established conservative, taking them to interesting situations
development
democratic principles in which the bourgeoisie never felt too comfortable.
The different "rights" made by these revolutions were achieved
by the bourgeoisie, but in spite of them, and the free farmers
Americans of the decade of 1770 and
sans culottes (shirtless) in the early 1790-and also its future is becoming increasingly questionable
in this world
corporate cyber growing.
Sin, however, these current and future trends
charac technological, social and cultural character
agitated and threatened to break the traditional class structure
born in the Industrial Revolution brought us the possibility of the emergence of a general interest
different class interests, created during the last two centuries. The
word 'people' can re-enter the vocabulary
radical obscurantist not as an abstraction but as an expression whose meaning comes
associated with a social layer
desraización progressive, fluent, and technological displacement, so it is no longer integrated into a
Cybernetics and highly mechanized society. A social layer
this technological shift we can add the
young and the elderly, who are faced with a future rather doubtful in 20
a world that can no longer define the roles that people play
in the economy and culture . These strata do not add up properly
in a simplistic division of conflicts
class, as take radical theory
structured around the "employees" and "capital."
The concept of "people" can return to our time in a sense still
different: As a "general interest" is formed from
public interest regarding environmental issues, community
, moral, gender, or cultural. It would also be very awkward
the underestimated role of these interests 'ideological'
seemingly marginal. As I said Franz Bokenau
for nearly fifty years, the history of the last century shows us more than
clearly how the proletariat can fall in love more intensely
nationalism socialism, and be guided mainly by interest
"patriotic" than interest, class, as
could appreciate anyone who visited the United States. Apart from the historical influence
have
ideological movements such as Christianity or Islam, which show the power still
ideology has on material interests
we face the problem of focusing the power of ideology in a
socially progressive direction, principally the ideologies
environmentalists, feminists, ethnic, moral and counterculture, in which many components are anarchist, pacifist and utopian
are waiting to be integrated into a joint, coherent vision.
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