Thus, the municipality is not only the "ptace"
where one lives, the "inversion" of owning a home, health, health, safety
services, a job, library and cultural amenities. The ciudadanización
way, historically, a new transition of humanity
from tribal forms to civilian life forms, which has a character so revolutionary
as the transition from hunter
groups towards the cultivation of the land or crop land to
manufacturing industry. Despite the absorbent powers of the State, there was a later development
which combined with civic nationalism, and statism
policy, as I said V. Gordon Childe, the
"urban revolution" was a big change as the agricultural revolution or industrial revolution
. You can check that the naciónestado,
like its predecessors, has been in the bowels much of this past
mentioned above, and have not yet digested. Urbanization can
complete what the Roman Caesars, absolute monarchies and republics
-destroying bourgeois could not even
own heritage of urban revolution, "however this has not yet taken place
.
Before entering the revolutionary implications of the approaches to the town
libertarian and libertarian
return policy is necessary to study a theoretical problem: the realization of differentiated policy
simple administration. At this point,
Marx, in his 13 analysis of the Paris Commune of 1871 has built a radical social theory
considerable imperfections. The existing combination
Commune, company policy, with
police action by managers themselves, a fact widely held
Marx, was the biggest failure of this revolution. Rousseau,
quite rightly argued that popular power can not delegate
without being destroyed. Or have a popular assembly which possesses all the powers
or proudly display these powers of the state. The problem
delegated power infected the entire system of advice: the soviets
(Raten), the Commune of 1871, and of course the Republicans in general
systems, both national and municipal
, the words "representative democracy" are a contradiction
terminóiogica. A people can not become polissonomos,
nomos by the designation of legislation creating or delegating nomothesia
bodies excluding the debate, reasoning and decision
form that characterizes the true identity of the political
. No less important is the non-delivery management
mere implementation of policy-making power which must be administered
without going into the regular business of the state.
The supremacy of the assembly, as
political power over any administrative agency, is the only guarantee
within individual existence, that policy prevails the
statism. The perfect degree of supremacy has
crucial importance in a society that includes experts and specialists to
the operations of the social machinery, while the
problem of maintaining the dominance of the popular assembly
only occurs during the period transition from a centralized administrative
society towards a decentralized
. Only when the popular assemblies, both
in the neighborhoods of the cities and small towns, the largest and
maintain utmost vigilance on any confederal coordination
agency, you can develop a true democracy libertarian.
Structurally, this embodiment
could not overcome the problem.
communities have relied on experts and administrators
long without losing their freedom.
destruction of these communities has been mostly due to a statist act, not an administrative
. Priestly corporations and headquarters
have always supported the ideology, and human stupidity
even more clearly, and not have to rely on force,
to alleviate the people's power, and finally eliminate it.
The State has not been able to absorb ever, in its entirety,
what happened in the past, this is a fact described by Kropotkin, in
"mutual support", he describes the rich context at
civil life to the oligarchic medieval communes. Indeed, the city
has always been the end of the spectrum compared with national and imperial
States until the present time.
Augustus and his heirs made the suppression of municipal autonomy
a masterpiece of Roman imperial administration
, and just did the absolute monarchs of the time of the Reformation.
"tear down the walls of the cities" was the central policy
of Louis XIII and Richelieu, a policy that surfaced years later, when
Public Health Committee of Robespierre made and unmade at will
to restrict the powers of the Commune 1793-94. The
"Urban Revolution" has accompanied the state as a double
irrepressible power, a potential challenge to centralized power through history. This
tension continues today, as an example, conflicts between
the centralized state and municipalities throughout North America and
England. It is here in the immediate environment of the individual, "the
community, neighborhood, town, village, where private life is slowly ligand
public life, is the authentic place for there operation
base level, if
urbanization has not totally destroyed the possibilities for this. When
urbanization has masked the city so that it completely lacks
own identity, culture and lacks the space for social
when missing
the foundation for democracy, "no matter what words the
define-then be gone the identity of the city, and the possibility of creating revolutionary forms
are only shadows of a set of abstractions
.
For the same reason, any analogy based on formulas
radical freedom and its possibilities, have no sense when
radical awareness that will give these forms, content and meaning.
Let us notice that any democratic or libertarian form can be transformed
against the ideal of freedom if you conceive of a
schematically abstract purposes devoid of the substance
ideological, and that organicity from which these forms
draw that meaning liberating. It would also be quite naive to think
forms such as the neighborhood, the people and community
popular assemblies could reach the level of public life, libertarian
, or come to create a libertarian political body, not a political movement that was
highly aware, that was well organized and coherent
out programmatically.
would be equally naive to think that such
libertarian movement could be born without the 'intelligentsia' radical essential
whose medium is in the intensely vibrant community life (you have to remember to
this regard to the intelligentsia French Enlightenment and
tradition established in the quartiers (neighborhoods) and cafés of Paris, I do not mean intellectual
anemic conglomerate that dominate the academies and institutes
of Western society. [2] Unless
anarchists decided to develop this lower stratum of thinkers
splendor whose public life becomes a search of communication with their social environment
in otherwise will encounter the real
danger of turning ideas into dogmas, and become heirs
own right and people movements ancestral
that belong to another historical era.
Despite the advantages and failures, has been radically
this intelligence that has served as a prop for each project
revolutionary history, and indeed it was they who literally projected
ideas for change, and from the
which people designed their social characteristics. Pericles is an example of this intelligence
during the classical world, John Bail or
Thomas Munzer during medieval times and the Reformation, and Denis Diderot
during the Enlightenment, Emile Zola and Jean Paul Sartre in times more recent
. The intellectuals of academia are much more recent phenomenon: embibliotecadas
creatures, cloistered, its incestuous and
career-oriented, lacking of experiences and practice.
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